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Those
who have read Alan Ford[1]
are acquainted with the philosophical thoughts that the comic strip propounds.
One of my favourites could be summed up like this: ‘It is better to be clever,
beautiful and rich than stupid, ugly and poor.’ If we were to translate this
into
Serbia’s contemporary
political scene, it would roughly mean this: ‘Better a developed, wealthy
Serbia, a member of NATO and the European Union,
than an underdeveloped, poor
Serbia
isolated from the world.’ The dilemma appears simple and banal, yet we all know
how complex and difficult it is, and how different the philosophy of Alan
Ford is from the logic that governs
Serbia. According to this inverted
logic, better Russia than the EU; better an allegedly preventive threat to NATO
than membership and cooperation; better backwardness and poverty than having to
work hard; better a delusion about the long-lost Kosovo than rational
negotiations; better to call Montenegro a quasi-state than to have good
relations with it; and better Filaret[2]
than the Belgrade-Bar railway. One of the important factors which I think
separates us from the rest of the sane world is that we have a larger number of
unchanging frameworks, unchanging questions, that have been present equally in
1850, 1907 and 2007.
So
I have made a list of the questions which seem to me to have remained unchanged
for two centuries, and which dominate us and I think explain why we cannot move
forward. I first put down three basic questions for every modern national
state: the question of territory, the question of basic political guidelines,
and the question of population. The first question is that of territory.
Serbia
refuses to acknowledge its true territory. It has spent two centuries trying to
be elsewhere, and its borders have moved in accordance with this wish south,
west and north. This is why we have the question of all questions that has to
be solved first, after which everything else will be easy - democratic
development, transition, and changes of every kind. The territorial issue has
remained sacred - as [deputy president and DSS member Dragan] Jočić would say:
‘There’s no playing about during the operation.’ This, then, is the first
closed circle that we have not left since the formation of the Serbian state.
The
second question is that of political fundamentals. What is
Serbia - a republic or a monarchy?
Part of the West or of
Russia?
A democratic or an authoritarian state?
The
third question is that of population, in both the qualitative and the
quantitative sense. Qualitatively speaking, is
Serbia a state of ethnic Serbs and
‘others’, or of all its citizens? As for the quantitative aspect,
Serbia
has not established the number of its war dead. We all know about the various
estimates for the Second World War, but the number of victims in the First World
War varies between 200,000 and the 1, 400,000 quoted in textbooks of history.
This question remains open: we do not know, and we do not know many inhabitants
we have. We do not know our war losses so that we can manipulate with their
number; and we are counting upon a new war that would be launched in the name
of those who have died, while we do not know and do not want to know who those
people are.
Nor
have we changed our attitude towards
Europe,
whose wealth we aspire to, but not the path that leads to it. Nor have we
changed our attitude to others, who are always our enemies and never our
partners. Nor have we changed our attitude to politics, which is always
conflict and war, in which the opponent is an enemy against whom all is
allowed. Nor have we changed our attitude to the state, which is always a party
state and never a legal state. Nor have we changed our attitude to the Western
powers, who are always our enemies and rarely allies. Nor have we changed our
attitude to the Church, which remains a political arbiter rather than a
spiritual home for believers. Nor have we changed our attitude to the army and
the police, which always have real power rather than being social servants. Nor
have we changed our attitude to intellectuals, who are messiahs rather than
critics. Nor have we changed our attitude to history, which is treated as an
introduction to military service rather than a discipline subject to critical
thought. This is my ranking list of the top nine.
Serbian history has been one of the more rapidly
changing on the European continent. For a book, my colleague Miroslav Jovanović
and I drew up a balance-sheet for the period 1804 - 2004. During this period of
two centuries there were ten wars and seven changes of dynasty or political
elite. Between 1835 and 2006 there were eleven constitutions and ten dramatic
revolutions in foreign policy. Between the Serbian uprising [1803] and the
formation of
Yugoslavia
[1918] the borders were changed ten times. The state-legal framework changed
seven times: principality of
Serbia,
kingdom of
Serbia,
Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes,
Kingdom
of
Yugoslavia, SFRJ, SRJ, SCG, then
back to
Serbia.
The political system changed from oriental despotism by way of a kind of
enlightened absolutism and parliamentary monarchy through royal dictatorship
and Communism, soft socialism and hard nationalism. During this time
Serbia was occupied and liberated three times,
Belgrade was bombarded
five times, and all rulers apart from Prince Miloš and Josip Broz Tito were
either murdered or forcibly removed from power. Within this highly dynamic
framework, the questions I have mentioned above have remained unchanged. This
explains why
Serbia
has degenerated during this period, why these questions have lost meaning, and
why it all has led to inverted logic, if not madness.
Peščanik, Radio B92, 21. 9. 2007.
Translation from www.bosnia.org.uk
[1] . Italian monthly comic
satirizing aspects of
US
society; founded in 1969, it became extremely popular in Croat, Serb and
Slovene translations.
[2] Bishop of the Serbian Orthodox Church barred
from entering
Montenegro in
August 2007 on the grounds that he was on a list published by
the
Hague Tribunal of people wanted for assisting fugitive war
criminals; the case led to acts of diplomatic protest by
Belgrade. |