Another attempt at reforms in Serbia has failed. Resignation of Minister Radulovic, regardless of what form it will take in the end, is the last act of that drama, whose conclusion was long seen coming.

The campaign against now already former minister of economy deserves to be further explored, analyzed and explained. Para-state unions were only formally at its head; logistics were provided by the highest authorities of the Government of Serbia.

Mladjan Dinkic went the furthest – and fell the lowest – in that fight against common sense. He was once a leader of very reform-minded group of intellectuals and today his party is the last resort of populists and demagogues.

But Sasa Radulic is not the biggest loser in this sad story with an even sadder end. Nor is his demise a defeat of – as shown by researches, not so small number of – people who supported the changes. Radulovic’s demise is actually a defeat of the most powerful man in Serbia, the absolute winner in all categories. On the one hand, because it shows how powerless he actually is against some social groups and their dark forces. On the other hand, perhaps even more importantly, because it shows that he hasn’t resolved the issue in his own mind: what kind of Serbia he wants to build and how. And he let go of the man who – maybe not the only one, but certainly the most persistent and the loudest – attempted to make the Government do the things it itself promised Serbian citizens after the reconstruction and “freshening up”.

However, according to one interpretation in favor of Vucic, this is only a tactical move, because you can’t make promises of reforms and perform “painful reform cuts” before the elections. According to another interpretation, Vucic himself doesn’t believe in the need for fundamental and systemic reforms, but (like Dinkic) trusts that Arabian capital will make all his hassle worthwhile, so these elections were necessary, among other things, to get rid of the “annoying” Radulovic and his disturbing reformist proposals.

Fortunately, we won’t have to wait long to see which one of these two “schools of thought” was right.

Translated by Marijana Simic

Pešč, 03.02.2014.

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Mijat Lakićević
Mijat Lakićević, rođen 1953. u Zaječaru, završio pravni fakultet u Beogradu 1975, od 1977. novinar Ekonomske politike. Devedesetih i stalni saradnik mesečnika Demokratija danas. Godine 1998. dobija otkaz u Ekonomskoj politici; 1999. je među pokretačima Ekonomist magazina, gde je direktor i zamenik gl. i odg. urednika, a od 2001. gl. i odg. urednik; 2008. napušta EM sa Vladimirom Gligorovim, Predragom Koraksićem... Prelazi u Blic, gde je gl. ur. ekonomskog dodatka Novac. Krajem 2009. prelazi u NIN na mesto urednika ekonomske rubrike. Godine 2011. je među osnivačima nedeljnika Novi magazin, gde je i danas zamenik gl. urednika. Pisao za brojne novine u Jugoslaviji i Srbiji. Zajedno sa Mišom Brkićem urednik serije od 12 TV debata pod zajedničkim nazivom „Kad kažete…“ Fonda za otvoreno društvo, u Medija centru NUNS-a, prikazivanih na TV Studio B. Godine 2011. objavio knjigu Ispred vremena, o nedeljniku Ekonomska politika i reformskoj deceniji u SFR Jugoslaviji (1963-1973). Sa Dimitrijem Boarovim 2013. napisao knjigu Kako smo izgubili (Našu) Borbu. Jedan od autora izložbe "Polet: Ekonomska propaganda u Jugoslaviji 1969-1980". Član Izvršnog odbora NUNS-a.
Mijat Lakićević

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