Foto: Vedran Bukarica
Niš, March 1, 2025, photo: Vedran Bukarica

The awakening of the opposition has been met with mixed feelings and evaluations that venture deep into the domain of conspiracy theories. Whether it was a one-off excess or a stage after which comes – no one knows what – this question remains trapped in the parliamentary fireworks.

It is possible that the Serbian opposition – united or not – performed a demonstration of what it intends to do. With the knowledge that the model of disrupting authorized institutions cannot be applied repeatedly in the same way. But maybe it was worth it. After assessments that the opposition does not exist anymore and survives only on sterile salon announcements, a dramatic action was suddenly carried out, the effects of which were contained at least in the resistance to the irrational ruling mob.

The order of things in the understanding of aggressiveness is: first, the regime, in all its arrogance, tried to push an agenda that was created based on the idea of the legitimate violence of the majority. The former government, which had already resigned, was given full capacity by the force of the will of command, and the president of the assembly was renamed into a fanatical announcer who implements that will at all costs. With spectacular dyslexic outbursts and monstrous facial expressions, she turned parliament into an instrument of violence.

Some reaction of the opposition was expected, assenting to such brutal power plays from the regime majority would mean that it (the opposition) really no longer exists. In its abuse of the parliament, the regime shows all the recklessness and perverted arrogance of the ruler. Everything happens according to the synopsis that he creates or approves, based primarily on persistence in breaking every procedure and targeted planning of severe outbursts. The parliament is made up of trained orators who stubbornly stick to dictated theses and aggressively repeat them on all occasions: Atlagić, Ristićević, Martinović, Bakarec, Jovanov, above all.

With their speeches, which are as blunt as they are irritating, they create an atmosphere bordering on physical conflict. Every sentence they utter oozes with vulgar rage and open hatred.

In this environment of violent wilderness, the opposition could not disrupt the illegal procedure by parliamentary means because the speaker of the parliament is a means of violence. She called them (the opposition) a terrorist group, but that definition just came out of a severely damaged mental printing press, under the influence of a task from which one cannot deviate at any cost. To pass the agenda, come hell or high water.

Nothing happened apart from a few small firecrackers and smoke boxes (there were no so-called smoke bombs). A short brawl broke out, after which the fighters quickly dispersed and returned to their places.

The court tabloids immediately reported the events as an attack on Serbia and screamed about an assassination of the president being underway. A day later, a crippled assembly with no opposition enforced the illegal ruling will, keeping the resigned government in power. Two days after the parliamentary chaos, the biography of the Progressive fetus Gavrilo, affected by stress due to “the rampage of the opposition”, was made public.

The great friend of the Serbian people, the toxic Viktor Orbán, supported his twisted friend, saying that “this has to stop”. Orbán does not understand what is happening in Serbia, and he does not want to. As a “moderate dictator” he cheers on the one who tries to turn into a tyrant only in the stage of his personal disintegration. The notorious Mile, otherwise a heavy stone on Serbia’s back, somnambulated about a color revolution, which he immediately recognized by the pink smoke in the former Serbian parliament.

Both the West and the East remained silent about the parliamentary illumination.

In my humble opinion, the action of the opposition was effective. The plan of the operatic Serbian dictator was not prevented, but he was further weakened and driven to a higher level of panic and into an even worse, final stage of the disease. The opposition raised its own confidence, which had been quite shaken. Resistance to the regime arose all over.

Yesterday in front of the Assembly of the city of Belgrade, thugs from private security beat the gathered citizens, but also received serious beatings from them in turn and ultimately fled back into the building. Before that, they were thoroughly smeared with red paint and eggs. That same evening, some of them appeared as a new strain of loyalist students, to safeguard the distraught inhabitant of the court.

Resistance is possible, and it no longer means walks or fiery but fruitless speeches. The opposition has shown a willingness and a certain ability to take serious steps. And to further freak out Ana Brnabić.

That knowledge, as well as an insight into the anger and determination of the citizens, will be important to remember in the days to come, when important and much more dramatic things can happen.

The action of the opposition in the Parliament was also met with many doubts, above all among people who normally doubt everything, convinced that there must be something else behind it. And that only the invisible can determine the course of things.

Conspiracy theories about the alliance of the opposition or some of its parts with the ruler, at least at this stage of the Serbian crisis, are in serious conflict with logic. One doesn’t enter into an alliance, especially not a secret one, with a man who is very prone to falling and is currently very close to it.

The next two weeks or two months are crucial, that’s what someone from that unfortunate anti-covid headquarters would say. The denouement is inevitable, with plenty of general anxiety about whether it will be a violent one. Such forebodings fuel the ruler’s delusions about the colors of the revolution and extreme fanaticism in preserving mafia assets and fraternal ventures. That is if the state power doesn’t spontaneously and naturally disintegrate before that.

Translated by Marijana Simić

Peščanik.net, 08.03.2025.


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Ljubodrag Stojadinović (1947, Niš), gde se školovao do velike mature u gimnaziji „Svetozar Marković“. Studirao u Skoplju, i magistrirao na Institutu za sociološka i političko pravna istraživanja, odsek za masovne komunikacije i informisanje u globalnom društvu (Univerzitet Kiril i Metodi 1987). Završio visoke vojne škole i službovao u mnogim garnizonima bivše Jugoslavije, kao profesionalni oficir. Zbog javnog sukoba sa političkim i vojnim vrhom tadašnjeg oblika Jugoslavije, i radikalskim liderima i zbog delikta mišljenja – odlukom vojnodisciplinskog suda od 1. marta 1995. kažnjen gubitkom službe u činu pukovnika. Bio je komentator i urednik u Narodnoj Armiji, Ošišanom ježu, Glasu javnosti, NIN-u i Politici. Objavljivao priče i književne eseje u Beogradskom književnom časopisu, Poljima i Gradini. Dobitnik više novinarskih nagrada, i nagrada za književno stvaralaštvo, i učesnik u više književnih projekata. Nosilac je najvišeg srpskog odlikovanja za satiru, Zlatni jež. Zastupljen u više domaćih i stranih antologija kratkih i satiričnih priča. Prevođen na više jezika. Objavio: Klavir pun čvaraka, Nojev izbor, Više od igre (zbirke satiričnih priča); Muzej starih cokula (zbirka vojničkih priča); Film, Krivolak i Lakši oblik smrti (romani); Ratko Mladić: Između mita i Haga, Život posle kraja, General sunce (publicističke knjige); Jana na Zvezdari (priče za decu); Masovno komuniciranje, izvori i recipijenti dezinformacije u globalnom sistemu (zbirka tekstova o komunikacijama). Zastupljen u Enciklopediji Niša, tom za kulturu (književnost). Za Peščanik piše od 2016. godine. U decembru 2021. izbor tih tekstova je objavljen u knjizi „Oči slepog vođe“.

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