One of the first internal orders issued by Tadic’s protégé Vuk Jeremic in the summer of 2007, was to ban Serbian ambassadors issuing statements or giving interviews to Serbian media at home and correspondents around the world without his prior approval.
Although a multiparty system and electoral procedures that were introduced in Serbia were abided by after 2000, a constitutional democracy was not consolidated.
Regardless of whether I voted for or against Milošević; regardless of whether I was expressing understanding for this brutal nationalism or expressing arguments against it – those crimes form part of my individual identity.
Although reports about the Judgment instantly became breaking news and dominated most prominent media in the country for days, silence from the most senior state officials was conspicuous.
Following a range of actions and pressure by NGOs on Serbian authorities for the adoption of a Declaration on Srebrenica and to proclaim July 11 a Day of Remembrance of the Srebrenica genocide, there has been no official response by the authorities.
Proclaim July 11th Remembrance Day for Srebrenica genocide.
The 1991 siege of the Croatian coastal city of Dubrovnik, which lasted nine months and had devastating consequences for the city and the entire region, at the time re-focused the world’s attention on the war in the former Yugoslavia.
On his recent visit to Banja Luka, Tadić evoked three principles: non-interference in Bosnia’s internal affairs; support for democracy; and support for whatever the three peoples agree between themselves. Are these principles mutually consistent? The answer is no.
Inzko surprised everyone. After repeated warnings to Milorad Dodik to desist had failed, he felt bound to revoke the notorious decisions of the RS assembly giving Banja Luka competencies which did not belong to it, such as the right to veto every decision of the common Bosnian parliament in Sarajevo.
I was approached by a man who at the time was a member of the Central Committee, who threatened me in a sharp tone of voice – you, the leftists, you are to blame for all this.
Latinka Perović: If you ask me, the key problem of Serbia is and has been how to turn it into a modern state… Srđa Popović: It is in our interest to find anyone who lives here, hides and is a criminal, has committed a crime or is suspected of having committed a crime.
Slobodan Vučković: The question is whether this anti-fascism (as represented by the Communists) really did bring freedom… Olivera Milosavljević: But, that does not mean that those who didn’t wish to declare themselves fascist didn’t have an ideology that contained fascistic elements.
Launch of the book by Ivan Djuric Regime, Opposition, Alternative. Tuesday, June 30, 2009, at 7:00 p.m., Center for Cultural Decontamination, Bircaninova St. #21.
Brief article based on the author’s substantial ‘Kosovo – a legal analysis’,recently published in German.
Tabloids violate the first binding international instrument for the protection of the rights of the child.
Analysis of Serbian political life tracing its paralysis and cynicism to a ‘gene’ inculcated as far back as 1968, a contradictory aspiration to combine a modernizing, ‘Western’ reformism with blood and soil nationalism.
Although the outcome of local elections in three municipalities can not be viewed as a representative sample from which far-reaching conclusions relating to the national level can be drawn, the June 7 results are indicative of the political climate in Serbia.
I went to Kolarac for the promotion of Dobrica Ćosić’s book The Time of Snakes. That whole atmosphere at Kolarac, those people who went there – the girl next to me, 17 or 18 years old, burst into tears as soon as Ćosić said “Good day”.
Download annual report of the Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia (HCHRS) for the year 2008: Serbia 2008, Human rights, democracy and – violence.
An interesting debate is taking place in scholarly publications and on the internet about the causes of the crisis, the ideological convictions and political recommendations.
We are calling for listeners, readers and friends of the show, people from Belgrade and Pancevo to stand up in defense of Biljana Srbljanovic, accused of disorderly conduct.
We would like to inform people’s deputies, the media, nongovernmental organizations and the public that the Government of the Republic of Serbia has forwarded to the People’s Assembly the Draft Law on Alterations and Amendments of the Law on Free Access to Information of Public Importance.
A prominent Belgrade historian comments acidly on the political ambiguities of ‘rehabilitation’ in contemporary Serbian intellectual life.
Getting an ID was turned into an important social event. And when you bend down in front of a clerk desk, you are a broken man, and the clerk gives you a look and starts grinding his teeth.
Democratic Party has proven to be nothing more than a state-owned business enterprise and the primary source of corruption and of tycoons and of the faint-hearted politics which we cannot count on. But at the same time, we have no other choice.
As part of austerity measures to cope with the current economic crisis, a new Law on Citizens’ Income Taxation is in force as of May 8, 2009.
Public reactions to the Šljivančanin sentence represent a direct consequence of Serbian politicians’ habit to nurture a feeling of injustice inflicted on the Serbs.
Following an initiative moved by the municipal Commission on Renaming Streets and Squares to name a blind alley on the outskirts of the city of Niš after Šaban Bajramović, a world famous Roma singer, a group of dwellers signed a petition against the initiative.
The fact that Slavenka Drakulic has agitated the local public, proves only that the conspiracy of silence is widely accepted, writes translator and essayist Mirjana Miocinovic, defending Drakulic against her critics.
US financial experts are talking of cataclysm and anarchy, but what really worries them is nationalization, writes George Blecher. Meanwhile, at street-level, the crisis is having some unusual effects.
This is a text by Vojislav Koštunica, published in Obraz in 1996.
Our parties were formed in the bars at the Terazije square. They were formed between friends and family. So they are sitting in a pub and agree about everything because they love each other.