Excerpt from the radio show Peščanik, 9th October 2009: Srđa Popović reflects on the roots of violence in contemporary Serbian society.
The trouble is that human rights don’t grow on trees, but that you have to work very hard for them to come into existence.
The intention to put the affairs regarding human and minority rights under jurisdiction of the Ministry of Justice is damaging in many aspects.
Serbia still aspires to play an arbiter in some exclusively internal affairs of its neighbor.
It is a long-term project that brings together 60 Southeast-European historians to work together through multiperspective history of the region.
Tim Judah’s analysis: If you only want bad news from the Balkans, it is easy enough to find. But in many respects, things are not as bad as commonly believed.
The party was constantly being divided by this built-in contradiction – both democratization and nationalism, and the result is Tadic’s slogan – both Kosovo and Europe.
A small nation certainly has and is something. But being insignificant, it is worth only with its racial and not cultural individuality. This value remains localized and a small nation lives in international solitude, so to speak.
It is a weird feeling to stand in Potocari, silently reading the engraved names, hundreds of them, almost your entire family, and unconsciously looking for your own name among them, right there between Hamdija and Hasan, alphabetically.
Countries that are more integrated with the EU have suffered more from the crisis. These countries are also better positioned to profit from the various measures introduced in the EU.
A group of over 200 “distinguished intellectuals” signed a petition calling for a referendum on whether Serbia should join the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO).
Peščanik interview with the departing Croatian president Stjepan Mesić about Kosovo, Bosnia-Herzegovina, his conflict with Catholic hierarchy…
This government has envisaged a reform too extraordinary in its scope and quite incomparable to any set of reforms in any other country. In practical terms, this reform meant revolution.
Firstly, it must be noted, with great relief, that Boris Tadic decided, at the end of the first decade of the 21st century, to put an end to the strategic wandering of Serbia. Serbia finally submitted the EU candidacy application.
The Republika Srpska government has in many different forms made it clear that it sees the Serb national interest as follows: division of Kosovo and union of Serbia with Republika Srpska.
In the troublesome years of the country’s breakup – and in the midst of atrocities that appalled the entire world – the late patriarch did not quite know how to act.
And when it began to seem as though the virus was our President’s best coalition partner, Patriarch Pavle died, and just about any idiot in this country was granted unlimited possibilities for action.
After the World War Two, Hannah Arendt optimistically predicted that evil would become a fundamental issue in the postwar intellectual life of Europe.
An interview with novelist Vladimir Arsenijević on the use and abuse of free speech: Very few writers exercised the right to free speech at that time.
The improvisation now goes in the direction of what could this famous Russian billion be spent on.
The revision of World War II is necessary so we could say that in the 90s, just like in World War II, everyone was involved in crimes, everyone is partially to blame. This is in fact a defense of the Great Serbia program.
The last chance for making Serbia face the truth through international legal mechanism was missed on September 27, 2007 when the International Court of Justice ruled that Serbia was responsible just for “failing of prevent” the Srebrenica genocide.
While we are doing our miserable jobs and quietly living, our reputation in the world and safety in our city are determined by manipulated bloodthirsty kids, dreaming of Bishop Amfilohije’s blessings and Kosovo, the Heart of Serbia.
As long as being a lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender or whatever is seen as something to be ashamed of, that shame will be felt by everyone – not just those who are actually gay or whatever – precisely because of this strong sense of solidarity and identity with the nation.
The death on a Belgrade street is an extension of the death by sniper attacks on the streets of the besieged Sarajevo.
For the Serbian society, the tragic death of the young Frenchman Bris Taton should serve as a final warning that fascization is in full swing and that citizens, the same as governmental institutions, should start coping with it seriously.
Girls and boys from organizations defending rights of gay people in Serbia asked for public support. And as in Rembrandt’s Anatomy Lesson of Dr. Nicolaes Tulp, our public has shown its true character.
Human rights defenders (HRDs) in Serbia continue to be at risk from attack by both state and non-state actors, including the media. The Serbian authorities are failing to protect them from physical attacks and threats to their lives and property.
Despite the harsh vocabulary used to condemn the LoPI in a flood of media reports, one cannot resist the impression that its text has in fact been read by only a few of those who criticize it.
The Reagan-Fascell Democracy Fellows Program at the National Endowment for Democracy (NED) invites applications for fellowships in 2010–2011.
It must have been in the nature of the Albanians – the curiosity to look at history from inside just like children who want to know how toys function.
Trials of weary old men have always been seen as an anticlimax, a poor substitute for the real thing, as an unfair game and even as a violation of human rights.