Peščanik interview with the departing Croatian president Stjepan Mesić about Kosovo, Bosnia-Herzegovina, his conflict with Catholic hierarchy…
This government has envisaged a reform too extraordinary in its scope and quite incomparable to any set of reforms in any other country. In practical terms, this reform meant revolution.
Firstly, it must be noted, with great relief, that Boris Tadic decided, at the end of the first decade of the 21st century, to put an end to the strategic wandering of Serbia. Serbia finally submitted the EU candidacy application.
The Republika Srpska government has in many different forms made it clear that it sees the Serb national interest as follows: division of Kosovo and union of Serbia with Republika Srpska.
In the troublesome years of the country’s breakup – and in the midst of atrocities that appalled the entire world – the late patriarch did not quite know how to act.
And when it began to seem as though the virus was our President’s best coalition partner, Patriarch Pavle died, and just about any idiot in this country was granted unlimited possibilities for action.
After the World War Two, Hannah Arendt optimistically predicted that evil would become a fundamental issue in the postwar intellectual life of Europe.
An interview with novelist Vladimir Arsenijević on the use and abuse of free speech: Very few writers exercised the right to free speech at that time.
The improvisation now goes in the direction of what could this famous Russian billion be spent on.
The revision of World War II is necessary so we could say that in the 90s, just like in World War II, everyone was involved in crimes, everyone is partially to blame. This is in fact a defense of the Great Serbia program.
The last chance for making Serbia face the truth through international legal mechanism was missed on September 27, 2007 when the International Court of Justice ruled that Serbia was responsible just for “failing of prevent” the Srebrenica genocide.
While we are doing our miserable jobs and quietly living, our reputation in the world and safety in our city are determined by manipulated bloodthirsty kids, dreaming of Bishop Amfilohije’s blessings and Kosovo, the Heart of Serbia.
As long as being a lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender or whatever is seen as something to be ashamed of, that shame will be felt by everyone – not just those who are actually gay or whatever – precisely because of this strong sense of solidarity and identity with the nation.
The death on a Belgrade street is an extension of the death by sniper attacks on the streets of the besieged Sarajevo.
For the Serbian society, the tragic death of the young Frenchman Bris Taton should serve as a final warning that fascization is in full swing and that citizens, the same as governmental institutions, should start coping with it seriously.
Girls and boys from organizations defending rights of gay people in Serbia asked for public support. And as in Rembrandt’s Anatomy Lesson of Dr. Nicolaes Tulp, our public has shown its true character.
Human rights defenders (HRDs) in Serbia continue to be at risk from attack by both state and non-state actors, including the media. The Serbian authorities are failing to protect them from physical attacks and threats to their lives and property.
Despite the harsh vocabulary used to condemn the LoPI in a flood of media reports, one cannot resist the impression that its text has in fact been read by only a few of those who criticize it.
The Reagan-Fascell Democracy Fellows Program at the National Endowment for Democracy (NED) invites applications for fellowships in 2010–2011.
It must have been in the nature of the Albanians – the curiosity to look at history from inside just like children who want to know how toys function.
Trials of weary old men have always been seen as an anticlimax, a poor substitute for the real thing, as an unfair game and even as a violation of human rights.
One of the first internal orders issued by Tadic’s protégé Vuk Jeremic in the summer of 2007, was to ban Serbian ambassadors issuing statements or giving interviews to Serbian media at home and correspondents around the world without his prior approval.
Although a multiparty system and electoral procedures that were introduced in Serbia were abided by after 2000, a constitutional democracy was not consolidated.
Regardless of whether I voted for or against Milošević; regardless of whether I was expressing understanding for this brutal nationalism or expressing arguments against it – those crimes form part of my individual identity.
Although reports about the Judgment instantly became breaking news and dominated most prominent media in the country for days, silence from the most senior state officials was conspicuous.
Following a range of actions and pressure by NGOs on Serbian authorities for the adoption of a Declaration on Srebrenica and to proclaim July 11 a Day of Remembrance of the Srebrenica genocide, there has been no official response by the authorities.
Proclaim July 11th Remembrance Day for Srebrenica genocide.
The 1991 siege of the Croatian coastal city of Dubrovnik, which lasted nine months and had devastating consequences for the city and the entire region, at the time re-focused the world’s attention on the war in the former Yugoslavia.
On his recent visit to Banja Luka, Tadić evoked three principles: non-interference in Bosnia’s internal affairs; support for democracy; and support for whatever the three peoples agree between themselves. Are these principles mutually consistent? The answer is no.
Inzko surprised everyone. After repeated warnings to Milorad Dodik to desist had failed, he felt bound to revoke the notorious decisions of the RS assembly giving Banja Luka competencies which did not belong to it, such as the right to veto every decision of the common Bosnian parliament in Sarajevo.
I was approached by a man who at the time was a member of the Central Committee, who threatened me in a sharp tone of voice – you, the leftists, you are to blame for all this.
Latinka Perović: If you ask me, the key problem of Serbia is and has been how to turn it into a modern state… Srđa Popović: It is in our interest to find anyone who lives here, hides and is a criminal, has committed a crime or is suspected of having committed a crime.